Within the context of Nazi domination of Europe during WW II – whose main characteristics have efficiently been summed up in the expression, “New European Order”[1] – an event unique to itself, is the case of Italy. Not just because Italy is the last country to be occupied militarily in Europe (if we except the German invasion of Hungary, which was in March 1944) when the Third Reich finds itself in a progressively difficult position regarding the outcome of the conflict, but also because it is not at war with Germany, neither is it considered, by the latter, to be an enemy country. On the contrary, the “Pact of Steel” the Fascist government had signed with the National Socialist one, remains in force and is not formally denounced[2].

Nevertheless, after 8^th September, Italy, allied with the Germans, is subjected to occupation by the Wehrmacht, an occupation prepared in the finest of detail and, in part, realised (even with the sending of considerable German forces onto Italian soil) already from 25^th July 1943[3]. It is the absolute pre-established will of the Reich to reduce Italy «to a pure object of exploitation […] while, in the cruellest of ways, putting down any attempt of the people of Italy of pulling themselves away from this state of unconditional submission»[4].  

Within a context of impoverishment of all natural resources in the country, an element of great importance for the Nazis is the possibility of obtaining certain advantages from the use of economic potential and, especially, from the exploitation of local manpower destined to replace German manpower which was employed in the armed forces. Even in this context, Italy may be grouped together with and shares the fate to which all other occupied countries undergo where raiding workers represents one of the essential features of the German domination and proves to be one of the most useful results for its wartime economy. 

Beginning with the Spring of 1942, after the first winter spent on the Russian front had revealed the not-so slight issues concerning eastward aggression, the Third Reich was forced to systematically raid workers of those countries subjugated in order to satisfy the lack of workers due to the needs of the Wehrmacht[5]. 

Regarding this anything-but-secondary element, which is yet little investigated in the specifics of the Italian case – where a certain degree of confusion between interned Italian soldiers (IMI), forced labourers, deported Jews and political activists exists, if not in the historiographical context[6], at least so within popular culture – we will give an account by analyzing it within the context of the Marche. The intention is to thematize the many aspects of the phenomenon within the system of occupation the Germans create throughout this region. A restricted environment, therefore, that lends itself to detailed investigation, in the conviction that an «analytical history, which implicitly and explicitly recalls a comparative view»[7], may bring about some advantage to the theme of forced labour. 

The Marche represents a border region, where the war, and therefore the Nazi invasion, lasts a year less compared to the North of the country and where we find many traits of peculiarities. Two, out of them all, seem of central importance to us: the establishing of the Militärkommandantur in Macerata and the constructing of the Gothic Line in the Pesaro area. We will dwell longer and, in greater detail, upon these provinces. 

Following 8^th September, the organisation of the Italian Social Republic (RSI) in the Marche as well starts to take off, with the building up of local structures, brought about at short notice albeit with structural difficulties which have never been rectified. Its chief characteristic being the non-ability – over the brief period of its life which stretches from September–October 1943 to May–June 1944 – to establish an effective bond with the people of the region. Very soon, anyhow, its already poor power is further and dramatically re-dimensioned by the presence of a powerful ally who imposes its authority[8] on it.  

When, on 13^th September 1943, a few German trucks came into Ancona to fill up with petrol[9] they encountered absolutely no kind of obstacle to their entering the town; rather, it seems that the ships and seaplanes stationed at the harbour move off at great speed, heading South[10]. Three days later, a brigade of the German army permanently sets itself up in the town[11]. Analogous events characterised the occupation by Nazi troops of other provincial towns throughout the whole region, with the notable exception of Ascoli Piceno, where there is an initial opposition of the troops stationed thereabouts (among whom there was no desertion after 8^th September) and of the local, civilian population[12].

The coming by the German military troops into the towns as well as de-commissioning of arms imposed on Italian military commands come about everywhere with relative ease. The local authorities, not having any precise orders, chased on by a determined military action and by the Nazi possession of the crucial points of the nation, accept the disarming of their forces and make agreements with their occupiers to maintain civil order and re-establish a disciplined style of life throughout the area.

The Germans take control of the strategic positions throughout the Marche, neutralizing local command posts, and taking up positions in the barracks and imprisoning the soldiers, the vast majority of whom will be deported to Germany. We cannot precisely count the exact number of Italians soldiers captured in the Marche. Certainly, the most numerous contingent is that made up from soldiers who were trapped in the Villarey Barracks in Ancona, due to the orders given by their superior officers who, actually, handed them over to their invaders, who sent them off to the Reich beginning from 1^st October 1943[13].

Strengthened by the powerful military occupation of Italian soil, by the securing of the front South of Rome and by the deportation of prisoners of war, the occupying army, with the help of its Fascist ally, immediately threatens recourse to Draconian punishments against whoever is opposed to its workings. The first to submit to its consequences are the scattered soldiers, as the order of 20^th September 1943 signed by Eugenio Caradonna (nominated new commander of the Macerata garrison following the entry of the Germans into the area), which contains the order to «all soldiers […] who live throughout the provincial area» to be present «by 2400H of the 23^rd of the month upon pain of death by firing squad after summary proceedings»[14] demonstrates.

Similar decrees multiply while the RSI decides to equip itself with an army of its own. The «new Armed Forces», think the followers of the RSI, «alongside the undefeated and undefeatable German Army, will surely know how to delete that sad page of shame and dishonour of the Italian People»[15]. Manifestos addressed at the youth of the classes of 1923-25, to whom the initial order to arms is directed, appear everywhere, but the answer of the Marche is among the worst recorded in all Italy[16]. Throughout the whole region, the refusal to take up arms is particularly high: in the first ten days of December, we see 92% who fail to report for military service in Pesaro, 89% in Ascoli, 79% in Macerata and 81% in Ancona[17]. We have to remember that failing to turn up for military duties, not only, is not devoid of dangers, but from 21^st February 1944 (the date representing the publication in the Gazzetta Ufficiale of the so-called Graziani recruitment drive), it is punished by the death penalty «by being shot in the chest»[18].

It is very significant that beside the many proclamations addressed to deserters and those failing to present themselves for military duties, there appear, right from the first days of occupation, just as many directed at finding manpower[19].

The regime of occupation has, with respect to the Marche, two priorities. The first aims at exploiting the agricultural resources of the region, to which the people of the Marche offer the widespread practice of taking wheat out of storage silos, as may be deduced from, besides the Germans’ documents[20], also from the many decrees issued by the provincial heads[21], which communicate the financial penalties[22] inflicted to municipalities whose citizens are offenders in such a practice. Secondly, it aims to find the manpower to transfer to Germany or else to use in situ, in defence or fortification works for the Wehrmacht. This latter phenomenon will reach its maximum height, as will be said, in the Summer of 1944, when construction work of the Gothic Line is intensified.

But, already on 20^th September 1943, the prefect of Pesaro issues the following  order:

All those belonging to the classes of 1921 and 1925 must present themselves by the morning of 24^th of the month at the Offices of Labour and Workers in Industry of their respective Municipalities or Civic Authority to be recruited into labour services, bringing with them the necessary clothes, a blanket, a change of underwear, shoes and crockery […][23]. 

Ten days later, the successive measure is circulated, with which those belonging to the classes of 1910-1925 are called up, specifying, in this case, that «the labour to be carried out will be on national territory and possibly in areas not far from current place of residence». Nevertheless, threats and intimidation follow the reassuring tones regarding the labour final destination of those hired:

We must also communicate that the call to labour services by the Italian authorities comes about by order of German High Command and whoever does not comply in time with the call or else tries to dodge it in any way, especially by changing their residence address, will be punished in accordance with German martial law. Those involved as well as their families are, therefore, invited in good time to consider the grave responsibilities they are taking on should they not fully observe the measures outlined above[24]. 

Well then, even before the Militärkommandantur is established in the region, the military chiefs of the Reich, with the help of Italian civilian and military authorities, rush to get their hands on the local manpower. On 20^th September, the occupiers set up an “office for employing Italian manpower”, under the control of the General Staff of the supreme Commander of the southern army, led by field marshal, Albert Kesselring, under whose jurisdiction lay the Marche too. Kesselring envisages, along with the use of manpower in Germany, its use also in works throughout Italy, aware of the difficulties in transporting all of the workers, as well as of the lesser resistance of workers being used in places that were not far from where they live. He entrusts the task of mobilizing workers to Italian Prefects ordering them to declare that those people of the classes of 1910-1925 are immediately submitted to the obligation to work, as may be ascertained also by the second recruitment call issued by the Prefect of Pesaro, referred to above.

The Prefect of Macerata, Socrate Forni, also lends himself to the wishes of the Germans. The threatening tones with which the people concerned are intimidated to present themselves are the same as in the Pesaro communiqué, under pain of punishment «in compliance with German Authority Martial Law»[25]. The prefectorial commissioner, Ferdinando Lori, esteemed Mayor of Macerata, immediately on following the Liberation of the town[26], obeys the Nazi measures and on 3^rd October 1943 brings an ordinance of the prefect to the attention of the citizens, where he warns «everyone mobilized and conscripted with call-up notice in the classes of 1910 to 1925» to present themselves by 7^th October, specifying, here as well, that «those penalties foreseen by existing martial law will be applied to all those who fail to do so»[27].

But the optimistic estimates of Kesselring, which foresaw subjecting 60,000 men to labour, were vane, also due to the need of trusting things to Italian administration, whose collaboration will reveal itself to be anything but conclusive. However, his contingent will be disbanded already in October, in order to make space to other solution for hiring manpower[28].

Very soon, both the German authorities and those Italian ones realize that not only the population is not willing to collaborate, but also the notices have the effect of increasing the ranks of the initial bands of “rebels” which, in the meantime, have become established throughout the inland areas. The head of the province of Macerata is aware of this fact, and he, on 17^th November 1943, appeals as much to the soldiers as to the workers with paternalistic tones:

Unconsciously following the suggestions of opposition propaganda, you have abandoned your homes, stipulating a common cause with enemies of your Fatherland.

Desist from such attitude, return to your work, to your families, and you will not bear trouble of any kind by the Italian or German Authorities[29].

The tune changes in the telegram he sends three days later to the various municipalities of the province, in which he warns that in case of non presentation of the soldiers who are subject to liability for military service, besides punishments established according to existing military regulations, measures by the Civic Authority and the family heads will be immediately adopted[30].

Many actions had, therefore, already been undertaken since, on 12^th November 1943, Militärkommandatur 1019 had been installed in Macerata. An organ central to German administration in Italy, the Militärkommandatur (Territorial military command), includes an administration group representing the Militärverwaltung (Military administration). Usually located within provincial capital towns, in accordance with Italian administrative system, it has jurisdiction, nearly always, over the surrounding provinces, where the soldiers establish a Platzkommandatur (Piazza command centre).

The structure created within Kesselring’s command in Central and Southern Italy is slightly different from that one of Northern Italy. Owing to the precarious war situation, the German organisation is based in those areas upon criteria that are more strictly military and the field marshal of the Reich is granted wide-ranging power, especially concerning the right to issue orders against the Italian authorities and the civilian population.

Originally destined for Lazio, the Militärkommandatur 1019 is transferred to the Marche from 25^th October 1943 with the initial aim of covering also the province of Perugia. Militärkommandatur 1018 is later assigned to the provincial capital of Umbria, while the central organ of German administration in the Marche is established in Macerata, after initially being set up in Ascoli and its later transfer to Ancona, a town which it is in a rush to leave, due to the continual air attacks. The structure of military administration throughout the various provinces is complete with the creation of two Platzkommandaturen, on 19^th November in Ancona and 6^th December in Pesaro[31].

The initial Lagebericht (situation report) sent by the the Marche Militärverwaltung and dated 6^th January 1944, lets us know that the administrative group should have originally been made up of 2 officers, 14 functionaries, 12 security personnel, who ought to be joined by those assigned to single sections, for example, for the agriculture section, 10 staff units were provided for.  However, every later report underlines how this staff organisation was never reached. The small nature of the forces does not allow for the division of work in accordance with sections of specialised activities. Though, it is indicative that they emphasise, ever since the first report, the fact that the only already determined sectors are those of the use of manpower and agriculture[32]. In this way, those that we have already seen as being the two specific objectives of the occupying forces are immediately shown.

Nevertheless, the mentioned Lagebericht laments the great difficulties encountered in recruiting manpower, which, also in the Marche, is characterized by the overlapping of various methods of recruitment, referring to various organisms of management which are as much Italian as they are German, and which are not rarely at loggerheads with one another. In order to understand such a phenomenon, we should also bear in mind that, since September 1943, the Plenipotentiary General for the use of manpower - (GBA) - Fritz Sauckel, has been operating on Italian soil. His task is providing the Reich with personnel to employ for labour purposes in Germany without reducing the request for men needed to war fight. Together with his office, the Organisation Todt is active, whose workers remain, though not always, in Italy to be used for works of a military nature or for works done on behalf of the armed forces. The so-called “Goering project” went hand-in-hand with these two sectors. Its aim is to recruit workers for the aeronautic industry and for the auxiliary services for air-raid defence in Germany. To all this we have to add, that certain big German industrial groups are also present independently in Italy, (Ig Farben, Siemens-Konzern, among others), which try to recruit workers for their businesses. Finally, the Minister of Armaments and War Production of the Reich, Albert Speer, is interested in the exploitation of Italian manpower. However his intention is to use Italian production in loco and he is, therefore, contrary to taking Italian workers out of those economic sectors that are fundamentally important for the war industry.

In the early days of October 1943, the German administration decides to involve organs of the Italian government in recruiting workers. Consequently, the General Inspectorate of Labour arises, which is entrusted to General Francesco Paladino and is instituted at the Ministry of Defence of the RSI with the aim of inserting youth subject to liability for military and work services into military formations (the Graziani Action), as well as the National Labour Commissariat, whose management was entrusted to Ernesto Marchiandi[33].

As far as the Marche is concerned, the recruitment of workers to send to Germany is entrusted to

two executives in the GBA, based in Macerata and in Pesaro. For the purposes of recruiting for works in situ to the benefit of the Wehrmacht, besides the Arbeitseinsatz (labour section) of the Militärverwaltung, the men of the Organisation Todt, the divisions of the Luftwaffe for the construction of airports, as well as the Graziani Action operate[34].

Notwithstanding the great propaganda effort for the recruitment of Manpower – «by way of appeals, posters, assemblies, cinema viewings and distributing flyers»[35] – the results are very poor, especially as regards adhesion onto the programme of labour in Germany. All the Lageberichte of the Militärkommandatur[36] report monthly results of finding workers both to be used in Italy and to be sent to the Reich. Already the first Lagebericht clearly states that the attempts made at forced recruitment undertaken several times by troops in the area of operation favour escape by the male population towards the mountains[37]. The situation remains more or less the same in the following reports; all end with affirming the greatest number of workers joining the Graziani Action, rather than the Organisation Todt or the offices of the GBA, considered to be an expedient to avoid transportation to Germany by choosing the lesser evil.

The Lagebericht dated 3^rd May 1944, brings us the figure of 3,355 workers hired by the Graziani Action – information which may serve for an overall statement – while as for those recruited by the Organisation Todt, a “positive increase” is recorded so that it reaches 5,000 units[38]. Another 6,000 men work in the aeronautics industry[39]. We need to specify that among the manpower hired by the Wehrmacht (taken on by the Graziani Action or the Organisation Todt), we have to consider also the workers of those factories recognised as being of war interest, among which those most important for the region were the sulphur mines and the motorcycle factory, Benelli, both in the province of Pesaro.

On this point, we have to mention that even the Marche is not free from the systematic plundering to which the Germans subject the industries of the entire invaded territory, by way of dismantling production plants, transferring them to Germany and confiscating all raw materials as well as the industrial produce of some importance[40]. The Benelli and Montecatini factories, for example, since in June 1944 bombardments render them inoperative and therefore un-useable, undergo the removal of equipment, raw materials, manufactured products and stocks[41]. To return to conscription of manpower, even though that to use locally bears some fruits, in the Lageberichte we find frequent complaints by the occupiers that are the result of the negligence with which the workers carry out their work and the poor commitment with which the allied Italians control them. The German protests are set against the stories of those hired who often have responded to the call to work for fear of retaliation and who, even more so, shirk their duties every time they find the possibility to do so. Roberto Rascioni, enrolled by the Organisation Todt of Macerata to dig holes wherein to place mines, tells us:

TN. To begin with, we sit ourselves down. A foreman came over and, in a genteel manner, invited us to do something, at least to save our faces, otherwise the Germans who soon would have come  would have been able to carry out some reprisals. In turn we did a bit of a hoeing or else a bit of a digging, even so, after more than three hours we had barely scratched the ground[42]. 

Yet, the gravest failure of the politics of occupation throughout the Marche can be found in those data concerning the recruitment of manpower for Germany. The enlisting campaign proved to be a total failure and results were far from those the officers in charge had to reach. Even the first Lagebericht holds that their duty would have been to send between 12,000 to 14,000 working units for every province within the Marche. All following reports show the complete lack of meeting expectations. Among the reasons which are frequently met in order to explain the really scarce availability of the local people to go to work in Germany, there is also the blocking of the transfer to Italy of savings of those who worked in the Reich before 8^th September 1943[43].

Among those approximately 500,000 people, who between 1938 and 1943, pursuant to bilateral economic agreements between Italy and Germany, accept working for the German economy, many are from the Marche too[44]. But the malcontent among the Italian manpower – which complained about the brutality of treatment they received, so much so that «widespread was the impression that the Italians were not but treated very like prisoners of war»[45] – is intense and many are the episodes of insubordination. From Autumn 1943, the families of workers from the Marche who are in Germany complain of the interruption of the remittance payments, so much so that the Prefect of Pesaro – who cannot help but see that the «disservice makes an unfavourable impression politically and economically»[46] – asks the Minister of the Interior «what practices the interested parties must carry out in order to get news and monies from relatives who find themselves in Germany for reasons of  work»[47]. That which is not told to the families and local authorities is that after 8^th September 1943 to those who still work in the Reich, approx. 100,000, is forbidden to return to their homeland and their status has changed into one of forced labourers[48].

The Ministry of the Interior, far from shedding light on the subject, limits itself to answering:

we hereby make it known that the families of workers occupied in Germany receive, in accordance with the reached agreements, subsidy on account of remittances, through the Banca Nazionale del Lavoro, to which, therefore, all eventual claims and requests must be addressed[49].

Nevertheless, some information must also be filtered out if the authors of the Lageberichte count, among the reasons for the failed enlistment of manpower for the Reich, also the spreading among the population of the rumour «propagated by the enemy» that the workers in Germany would have been put into forced labour camps and used like prisoners[50].

Anyway, the five Lageberichte give back some eloquent figures on the enlistment for Germany: in April 1944 the total number of men enlisted is 227 and the total number for women is 91. When added up, the number is trifling, especially if compared to the 12,000-14,000 units requested of every province.

Another piece of information that the reports constantly underline is that with consolidation of the movement of the partisans, evasion from the obligations of the manpower finds a natural outlet in the flowing into the ranks of the bands of partisans.

An observation which certainly was nothing new among occupation troops, and recognizable also from a document of the German Sicherheitsdienst (Security Service) of 10^th December 1943,  where we can read: «At the German executive offices the opinion is already circulating that the Italians will attempt to get out of the labour service, either by corruption or by fleeing in with the partisan forces[51].

The intentions of the German administration as regards the Marche may clearly be deduced from what is reported in the Lagebericht of 3^rd March 1944:

The Marche region is an area particularly infested with partisan bands. Until the German troops are able to rectify the situation, the vast majority of those subjected to obligatory labour will re-flow towards these bands. Within the territory of Military command 1019, recruiting for labour purposes as well as the result, are decisively determined by the situation with bands[52].

In the Marche, as in other regions of the Centre and North, the “hunt” for labourers goes hand-in-hand with the struggle against the resistance movement and the rounding up of men to send to Germany coincides with actions against partisans[53]. In the intentions of the Germans, these actions of cleaning up should serve the dual purpose of making a certain reserve of manpower forces available to German industry and taking away men from the liberation movement[54].

However, anyone may find themselves in the indiscriminate rounding up, whether they have had or have not had any direct connection with the partisans. Anyway, the men of the Reich, aware of the importance which the support of civilians means as regards the struggle of  the resistance, maintain that «even a purely passive attitude on the part of the population, just as for example, the failed reporting of the appearance of men belonging to the bands, may be considered as already being an act of support»[55] and as such, subject to severe punishment. Among the various sanctions to be adopted – whose only aim was to «create such an effect that leaves the local population with but one wish, the elimination of the bandits»[56] – there is also the «arrest and deportation of a certain number of both male and female labour units for the purposes of forced labour in the Reich»[57].

This is what happens in the province of Macerata, where, mainly between the months of March and May 1944, we witness the systematic removal of civilians, in the main gathered up in connection with actions against the partisans[58]. The fact according to which the majority of forced workers of the province of Macerata (among those whose events were possible to reconstruct) has an identical use is emblematic: they are used by the Reimagh of Kahla, near Jena, in the production of fighter planes[59].

According to German sources, 640 workers from Macerata are sent to Germany from October 1943 to May 1944[60]. A ridiculous number if measured against the expectations of the Reich, nevertheless very significant if we compare it to the numbers from other towns and cities of Central Italy, which may be deduced from the same document, which states that the workers taken from the small province of the Marche are similar, as regards numbers, to centres with a decisively higher  population, like: Rome, Bologna and Florence. An even more relevant fact is, in the same period there is no mention of sending labour to Germany from the province of Ascoli, while only 72 workers are sent from the province of Ancona and 105 from that of Pesaro[61]. Considering that Ascoli Piceno is liberated on 18^th June 1944, Macerata on 30^th June and Ancona on 18^th July 1944, the figures reported in the document, which calculates the number of workers only until 31^st May 1944, are rather reliable for the purposes of an overall statement. The case of the province of Pesaro is different, in the first place because it sees the coming of the allies only on 2^nd September – while  during the Summer months, the anti-partisan struggle is still hard and there are various episodes of rounding up being carried out by Nazi and Fascist troops – but also due to the presence in its territory of the Gothic Line[62].

Up until the Summer months of ’44, making up of manpower to be sent to Germany from the area of Pesaro reflects the methods already highlighted for the area of Macerata, with the rounding up of men who were also involved in the anti-partisan struggle[63]. From the beginning of June – a month when the order to intensify construction works of the Gothic Line was issued by German Command Centres, placing the keystone of this building work in the Montecalvo-Pesaro sector[64] – the situation changes significantly, because of the need to find more men in loco for urgent engagement.

In the normal practice of associating threats with guarantees of safety, Fascist and Nazi command centres diffuse measures for the call to the Organisation Todt for those men able to work.

Nothing is left untried, to the point that in the Municipality of Sant’Agata Feltria even parish priests become involved. They receive a prefectorial circular that forces them to communicate to their parishioners that «the German command has established the call to work for all those of the classes of 1914-1924»[65]. The “Tagliamento” Legion – a division of the Republican National Guard incorporated within the German armed forces, sadly noted for its brutality[66] – stands out for its ferocity, but this is not the only case. The Legion threatens «every man able to work» to be «immediately executed» and to have «an action of reprisal against his home»[67], should he not be present to be enlisted. On 28^th June 1944, the soldiers of the “Tagliamento” Legion teach a «healthy lessone» to the workers, shooting seven men of the Milan workers Battalion, in charge of fortifying the Gothic Line accusing them of desertion[68].

Actually, being hired by the Organisation Todt is not in itself a guarantee of occupation in Italian territory. Even this organisation, indeed, is committed to the transfer of manpower to the Reich. A circular drawn up by the Chief of the main labour department of the Wehrmacht in Italy notifies the existence of an agreement between the military administration and the Organisation Todt to transfer «both forced and voluntary workers» to Germany and indicates the administrative procedure that supervises that transfer of labourers[69]. To this, it adds that often the German authorities simulate a task to execute locally, under Organisation Todt supervision, only for the purpose of making men who flee from calls come in the open air, and they will instead be sent to Germany. This is what happens, for example, in Sant’Agata Feltria, where the young men enlisted into the Organisation Todt with the job of repairing a road a few kilometers from the town, are captured and sent to the Reich[70].

All this goes on hand-in-hand with roundups, which particularly touch Alta Valmarecchia in the month of August, and whose aims seem to mainly be making up the manpower to send to Germany[71]. Anyway, the pressing need for men to use in fortification works for the Gothic Line, is such that operations of cleaning up are used to make up workers to be employed a few kilometers away from where they live[72]. This is an evident sign that refusal to work is generalised.

The month of September signals the liberation of the province of Pesaro and, with her, of the whole region. But, as regards that section of the population of the Marche which was exploited for purposes of forced labour in the Reich until the end of conflict, liberation and return to the Marche will only take place in the Summer of the following year.

What has been briefly reported denotes, not only the disproportion between outcomes pre-set by the occupying power and those effectively carried out, but also profound lack of collaboration on the part of the local population; a fact, this, which should make us reflect on the matter, often debated, concerning the real proportions of the civilian resistance.